Everyone Is Here. A Middle-of-the-Road Approach for Conservative Socialists

This article was first published on the subreddit r/conservativesocialist. It is available here.

We now live in a globalised capitalist world, which presents a number of challenges, such as integrated economies, global warming, immigration flows, identity politics, and so on. These issues are far too complex to be reduced to a simple left-right political divide. Nonetheless, the principles of socialism are as relevant today as they have ever been. Before I begin today’s discussion, I must first distinguish between socialism and social democracy, as this is one of the well-worn grooves in our thinking that must be addressed if we are to have a conservative socialist theory and policy that is both rational and realistic.

In my opinion, such a conservative socialist policy would necessitate some kind of hybrid solution that is neither social democratic nor socialist in the traditional sense, but rather a combination of the two. Rather than attempting or demanding reconciliation with the corporate and financial establishment, I believe this political movement should regard them as adversaries. Although this movement can be radical and confrontational at times, I do not believe it should call for a full-fledged class war or the seizure of “the means of production,” nor should it advocate for the abolition of markets entirely. Finally, this movement should avoid preconceived notions about a perfect future world that awaits us at the “end of history.” History, according to Karl Polanyi’s findings in The Great Transformation, is a jumble of progress and regress, as well as economic liberalisation and social protection against it.

Instead, the strategy should include the following measures:

1. Maintain an open definition of socialism, recognising that what we generally mean by it is a rejection of the market system’s proclivity to spiral out of control and attempt to separate itself from the fabric of society. The goal is to change this by creating popular democratic institutions in which people can learn to participate in society and adapt economics to meet their common needs.
2. Employ a convincing national story about a prosperous future for all of us, with the wealthy and unaccountable interests of business and finance as the antagonists. To realise this national dream, a slew of policy initiatives would need to be put in place. Among the most important are a national reconstruction programme to restore native industry and create decent jobs, initiatives to protect local places, institutions, and families, and a more equitable distribution of power in the workplace and political participation. Support for worker cooperatives and economic nationalism are two examples of more radical policies — more on that later.
3. Then continue with the story until its logical conclusion. That these policy changes would necessitate a “political” revolution, in the words of social democrat Bernie Sanders. But unlike Bernie and other social democrats, this movement will not accept capitulation to the progressive and wealthy elite. It must maintain its tenacity in its demands because reducing the informal control of the plutocracy is critical to its survival. Such steps include campaign finance legislation, the breakup of major banks, and restrictions on cross-border capital flows.

The goal of this pragmatic approach is to avoid the socialist left’s fatal dilemma: social-democratic reform alienates supporters by caving in too easily to the enemy, while socialist revolution triggers a catastrophic economic and political crisis that threatens to destabilise the very social order on which we rely and want to protect. Furthermore, it broadens our coalition by bringing together softer social democrats and free-market sceptics with more hard-line socialists and communists. “Everyone is here.”

A brief examination of past and traditional socialist and labour parties reveals that they are more influential and powerful when formed from large multi-class coalitions. In the United Kingdom, for example, the traditional Labour Party was a notoriously unhappy marriage held together only by a shared desire to maintain protection from market forces. In addition, unlike other socialist movements around the world, the British labour movement never called for insurgency because it was critical in establishing the participatory democracy that should be embodied in a functioning democratic parliament. Conservative socialism’s goal is to preserve what makes our democracy great by undoing the negative effects of neoliberalism, which is the main point of this essay. Capitalists, not socialists, are the true revolutionaries in their quest to build a utopian society in which everything is for sale and nothing is free of the tentacles of consumer commodification.

To move on to the second half of this post, I’d like to investigate another well-worn rut in the left’s thinking: internationalism. Nationalism is frequently regarded with suspicion due to its affiliation with a specific racial or ethnic group. But is this the correct default position for conservative socialists? No, I do not believe so. Instead, I advocate a socialist concept of nationalism and national sovereignty. It is critical to recognise here that socialist nationalism and internationalism are not mutually exclusive options; reality is more complicated.

Consider the following measures for a balanced hybrid approach:

1. A Blue New Deal (yes, I’m terrible at naming things) that includes things like vocational training and works councils, tough-minded welfare reforms that prioritise social responsibility over state dependency, and regional banks to help local economies. This agenda does not represent traditional socialism, social democracy, or conservatism, but rather a synthesis of the best elements of all three. This approach is supported by the German social market model, for example. More information is available here.
2. This programme must be accompanied by a strong sense of civic nationalism. This could sway many disgruntled supporters of right-wing populism to the socialist left. Furthermore, nationalism does not have to be reactionary or xenophobic. It satisfies a strong desire for identity and solidarity in people who are deeply embedded in their cultures. Socialist nationalism, however, should make an effort to be inclusive. To build a strong anti-capitalist coalition, it must accommodate and even accept people from all walks of life and different social classes — after all, “everyone is here.”
3. Finally, the fundamental principles of global economic trade must change. To civilise globalisation, we must first and foremost control cross-border capital flows. There are numerous ways to accomplish this, one of which is an International (Blue) New Deal, which is comprised of a coalition of governments with left-wing economic policies and social conservative counter-movements. While such a possibility is daunting, it must be addressed.

This essay was my humble attempt to correct some of the flaws I see in contemporary left-wing ideology and to mend some of the schisms that will prevent a conservative socialist “big tent” strategy from emerging. Although some of my arguments may appear to some leftists to be counter-intuitive, I sincerely believe that the truth of this complicated situation lies somewhere in the middle of the various political approaches. Whatever the case, it is clear that we cannot return to our current state of thinking and must break free from this rut.